Welcome to the religiosity page! The word religiosity refers to strong religious feelings or belief. In light of the enormous scope that the sphere of religiosity occupies, this resource with its limited focus intends to offer a sampling of religiosity as it is experienced, made visible , and lived-out by the Latinx Community here in New York City and by the ethnographies further afield within the wider United States of America. This resource I hope will give some historic context for the most part to the practice of religiosity by the ethnographies that are represented and presented here. You will encounter aspects of Catholic, Santería, Our Lady of Guadalupe, Protestant/Pentecostal, Border, and the Islamic Faith religiosity. I have included links to videos to further enhance and incorporate contemporary and scholarly voices to the resource. The religiosity resource will finally rest with a broad overview of the state of “mainstream” religiosities and their associated societal trends. I pray that your visit to this page will recess with a new though, insight or knowledge to take with you. I also hope that even this limited exploration of Latinx Religiosity will further confirm for you that Latinx Religiosity is as diverse and unique as the Latinx unique and diverse reservoir of culture, and that contrary to populous misconception Latinx are not a monolith as exemplified by these limited examples of their religiosity.
Religiosity of puerto Ricans in the Archdiocese of new york
https://youtu.be/gKl2J632BWc
This video is part of the Conference: Culto y Vida: A Conference on Religiosity and Puerto Rican Studies (2011) "Fuego a la Lata: The Puerto Rican Experience in New York of Mobilizing Institutions and of Institutions Mobilizing"
Ana María Díaz-Stevens, Moderator and Respondent Professor Emerita of Church and Society Union Theological Seminary New York City
This video is part of the Conference: Culto y Vida: A Conference on Religiosity and Puerto Rican Studies (2011) "Fuego a la Lata: The Puerto Rican Experience in New York of Mobilizing Institutions and of Institutions Mobilizing"
Ana María Díaz-Stevens, Moderator and Respondent Professor Emerita of Church and Society Union Theological Seminary New York City
Few in numbers initially, comprising of political exiles from several Latin American countries, Portugal, Spain as well as merchants, a presence of Hispanics in New York City is on record since 1859. This initial group was successful in founding in the year on record Our Lady of Pilar, a Spanish-language catholic community situated in Brooklyn, New York (Diaz-Stevens., 1993:65). The first Puerto Rican (puertorriqueña) catholic nun to minister among the burgeoning Hispanic/Latinx community in Brooklyn; New York, was Sister Carmela Marrero Zapata (Kanellos et al., 1993:222). Sr. Carmelita went on to serve in the New York Archdiocese where she helped found in East Harlem, Casita María, a settlement house serving new arrivals of Puerto Ricans prior to as well as after both WWI and WWII, setting them up for success as productive members of society (Kanellos et al., 1993:223-224). The growing cosmopolitan New York Archdiocese’s pastoral engagement of the Hispanic/Latinx populous manifested itself in the creation of Our Lady of Guadalupe a National Parish for Hispanic/Latinx in 1902, which was located at Manhattan’s West 14th Street. Based out of Spain the Assumptionist Fathers were placed in charge of the pastoral care of the Puerto Ricans, Spaniards, Mexicans, Argentineans, Cubans, and other Latin Americans over twenty Hispanic/Latinx nations diaspora was served by Our Lady of Guadalupe parish.
To further support the burgeoning population’s religiosity additional Spanish-language chapels were authorized by church officials. Established in 1912 and pastored also by the Assumptionist Fathers Our Lady of Esperanza chapel was opened; in 1926 La Milagrosa chapel was opened; and in 1930 Holy Agony was also established, both chapels were under the pastorate of the Vincentian Fathers of Madrid, also assigned to serve the Hispanic/Latinx population’s religious/pastoral needs. Our Lady of Esperanza and La Milagrosa chapels were located on the Upper West Side of Manhattan. Holy Agony chapel on the other hand was situated in East Harlem. Our Lady of Esperanza much like the Guadalupe chapel was to serve the Spaniards in particular, however situated uptown, Esperanza like Holy Agony and La Milagrosa chapels became populated with Puerto Ricans who had grown into the largest group of Spanish-speakers in Manhattan. The Puerto Ricans like most minorities residing in Manhattan were segregated to Harlem before the II World War (Diaz-Stevens., 1993:84-85). In 1939 the newly appointed Cardinal Archbishop of New York release St. Cecilia parish formerly an Italian and subsequently German worship site in East Harlem to the Puerto Rican community under the pastoral care of the Redemptorist Congregation. The Archbishop had observed the Redemptorist work on the Island first hand and was very pleased the ministry among the Puerto Ricans (Diaz-Stevens., 1993:97-98).
From 1946 - 1952 there was a steady migration of Puerto Ricans to New York City amounting to over 250 thousand arrivals annually, with no end in sight to the inflow. This meant that the Puerto Rican population was spilling over into the Lower East Side as well as other locations including the area known today as Spanish Harlem. Puerto Ricans gained U.S. citizenship in 1917 and their catholic identity was recognized by the New York Archdiocese that they were now populating as the Europeans flee to the suburbs. Manhattan was home for roughly 60 percent of the Puerto Rican population in New York City (Diaz-Stevens., 1993:100-101).
https://youtu.be/WrEdcIoFqJA
This video is part of the Conference: Culto y Vida: A Conference on Religiosity and Puerto Rican Studies (2011)
Institutionalized Religion and Lived Religion: Knowing the Difference and Lasting Long Enough to Talk about It
Anthony M. Stevens-Arroyo: Professor Emeritus of Puerto Rican and Latino Studies and Distinguished Scholar Brooklyn College
This video is part of the Conference: Culto y Vida: A Conference on Religiosity and Puerto Rican Studies (2011)
Institutionalized Religion and Lived Religion: Knowing the Difference and Lasting Long Enough to Talk about It
Anthony M. Stevens-Arroyo: Professor Emeritus of Puerto Rican and Latino Studies and Distinguished Scholar Brooklyn College
Puerto Ricans residing on Manhattan’s Upper West Side in 1950, engaged the pastor in conversation about their need to have the mass celebrated in Spanish in their neighborhood church, as an alternative to having to travel to a Spanish-language chapel some forty or more blocks away. Their request to the pastor was met with a request of his own, come to our English mass to give me an opportunity to assess your numbers, and see if what you are asking for is worth the trouble. In time they were celebrating mass in their neighbor parish, which was held in the basement chapel, led by a Spanish-language priest from one of the religious orders based out of Spain that was serving in New York City. Along with the success of their masses which surpassed the English masses in numbers, the Puerto Ricans move to establish lay organization and other initiatives such as a catechesis/Sunday school program in Spanish in 1953, to prepare the children for the sacraments. This gave them more access to the pastor and the chapel. In addition to the catechist group, this newly acquired access made the space available which facilitated some of the other lay organization that grew out of their religiosity such as: Hijas de María/Daughters of Mary (for unmarried women), La Sociedad del Santo Nombre/The Holy Name Society (for men), Las Damas del Sagrado Corazón/Ladies of the Sacred Heart (for women who were married), and The Legion of Mary was that umbrella group that encouraged participation of the faithful women and men, married and unmarried alike. There was even a theater /drama group that was all part of the fellowship that was an extension of church after the Spanish-language masses on Sundays. Collectively this was the embodiment of church/community as it is lived out in Puerto Rico, and it was finding expression in New York City. The Puerto Ricans religiosity was rewarded with the practice of having a Spanish-language priest in residence at the parish rectory. This initiative later grew to include Spanish-language studies for diocesan clergy in Puerto Rico, in order that they may better serve the Spanish-Language community. Gálvez recounts from her conversation with one Father Byrne, in her book Guadalupe in New York: devotion and struggle for citizenship rights among Mexican immigrants; Father Byrne a self-proclaimed none-conformist, upon learning that like the other seminarians he would be sent to Puerto Rico for inculturation and Spanish language emersion, requested instead to be sent to Chile, arriving in the early 70s witnessing the military coup in 1973. The success of the lay initiatives started by the Puerto Ricans bore much fruit, because of their success the local church and indeed the Archdiocese of New York saw more and more Spanish-speakers becoming engaged and involved in the life of the church (Diaz-Stevens, 1993:112-113., Gálvez, 2010:52).
https://youtu.be/a-1xqXTXKMQ
Religious affiliation is declining in the US, but Catholics remain the largest religious group nationwide, thanks in large part to a growing Hispanic population of fervent believers.
Religious affiliation is declining in the US, but Catholics remain the largest religious group nationwide, thanks in large part to a growing Hispanic population of fervent believers.
Religiosity of Santería
https://youtu.be/XtrsLGzjaNA
An in-depth introduction to the Santería religion with Santero Charles Guelperin AKA Baba Funke at his West Hollywood, Los Angeles Santería Centre. Charles explains the history of Santería and how the religion is practised today. Santería is also known as Regla de Ochá or La Regla Lucumí.
An in-depth introduction to the Santería religion with Santero Charles Guelperin AKA Baba Funke at his West Hollywood, Los Angeles Santería Centre. Charles explains the history of Santería and how the religion is practised today. Santería is also known as Regla de Ochá or La Regla Lucumí.
Knowledge of and the spread of Santería and the religiosity associated with the religion in various regions of the United States is linked to interactions with exiles from Cuba. Puerto Rican religion has left an indelible mark on Santería and Santería has gained many devotees/adherents that are of Puerto Rican origin. This is also true of Ecuadorians, Venezuelans, Nicaraguans, Colombians, Dominicans, as well as other Latin American diasporas. Widely known in Latin America and the diaspora curanderismo as well as Kardecian spiritism has heavily influence Santería and is said to be partially the source of attraction for Latinx. Santería has incorporated numerous beliefs and customs of spiritism; esoteric magical customs as well as pervasive herbal remedies usage makes it comparable to curanderismo. Santería is often seen as a link or connection to Africa, and the diaspora’s somewhat distant and forgotten Yoruba roots (Sandoval, 1995: 95), thus there are trends within the Pan-Africanist African-Americans that have embraced Santería, which seek to scrub Santería of its Catholic aspects which is derived from its nexus in Latin America. Generally speaking, individuals whose health practices and religious belief system falls outside of societal mainstream is offered in Santería, a practical path to priesthood, music and dance, groups of very organized rites and rituals, religious paraphernalia that is symbolic and diverse, rich mythology as well as a dogma that is extremely complex (Sandoval, 1995:96).
https://youtu.be/CpvQG835-t0 [Afro-Latinx Syncrenism]
This video is part of the Conference: Culto y Vida: A Conference on Religiosity and Puerto Rican Studies (2011)
Margarite Fernández Olmos,
Matthew J. Fantaci Professor of Spanish
Department of Modern Languages and Literatures Brooklyn College
This video is part of the Conference: Culto y Vida: A Conference on Religiosity and Puerto Rican Studies (2011)
Margarite Fernández Olmos,
Matthew J. Fantaci Professor of Spanish
Department of Modern Languages and Literatures Brooklyn College
The press in the United States is intrigued by the customs of Santería like its trance possession, system of complicated divination, and drum festivals among other customs. It is Santería’s animal sacrifice rituals that has gained the most attention, since it is viewed as bizarre. Discoveries have been made of sacrificed animals remains/carcasses in rivers, busy corner intersections, railroad tracks, by “sacred trees,” as well as in other locations, which has attracted the scrutiny of the press and the public at large. Whenever and wherever santeros in the pursuit of the safeguarding of their religious needs and rights have had to engage the police and society, because in the exercise of their religiosity they often experience some degree of altercation, and unsolicited unwanted eager coverage by the media ensues as a result. “The Believer,” a Hollywood movie, highlighted some customs of Santería, as one would imagine the movie has led to heightened or greater public attention and visibility for the religion. Santeros effort to open up to the public and mainstream their belief has led to greater public scrutiny (Sandoval, 1995:96).
https://youtu.be/5Np0YD3Ax_k
Soul Food' host Kiran Deol finds herself in the heart of Hollywood, where she meets up with well-respected Santeria priest Santero Charles Guelperin at his Botanica. She sets out to experience one of the fastest-growing religions in the United States—the often misunderstood Santería—and to examine its close relationship to food.
Soul Food' host Kiran Deol finds herself in the heart of Hollywood, where she meets up with well-respected Santeria priest Santero Charles Guelperin at his Botanica. She sets out to experience one of the fastest-growing religions in the United States—the often misunderstood Santería—and to examine its close relationship to food.
For example, a “Lucumi Church” was opened by some santeros in greater Miami. The Church opening led to a confrontation/altercation between the authorities of the municipality and santeros unfortunately due to an outcry from the community. The Supreme Court eventually heard the case and a favorable decision was rendered for and in favor of the Lucumi Church, since the constitution guarantees freedom of religion even if religiosity includes sacrificing animals which is not intended for consumption. New directions are being explored, as santeros embrace new circumstances in the religions effort to mainstream their religiosity, and the religion is gaining an ever-increasing diverse group of followers (Sandoval, 1995:97).
Religiosity of Devotion to La Virgen-our lady of guadalupe
Street Art Simpson & 163rd Bronx, NYC “Our Lady of Guadalupe” Street side Altar, source: Flickr
Aqui es diferente. Aqui vinimos y sufrimos. Así que aún más le pedimos a la Virgen, que nos haga fuerte para poder resistir todo. No hay quién no le pida a la Virgen. Aqui, por lo que sufre uno, la valoramos, rezamos más y vamos más a misa.
[Here [in the U.S.] it is different. Here, we come, and we suffer, so we ask even more of the Virgin, so she can make us strong, to tolerate everything. There’s no person who doesn’t name the Virgin. Here, for what one goes through, we value her, and look to her, pray more, and attend mass more often.] (Interview, November 8, 2000) (Gálvez, 2010:37).
[Here [in the U.S.] it is different. Here, we come, and we suffer, so we ask even more of the Virgin, so she can make us strong, to tolerate everything. There’s no person who doesn’t name the Virgin. Here, for what one goes through, we value her, and look to her, pray more, and attend mass more often.] (Interview, November 8, 2000) (Gálvez, 2010:37).
“Mary” for many Latinx is omnipresent, La Virgen may be seen on Altars in homes, in places of business, in street art, and on Latinx bodies as tattoos. For a significant number of Latinx, La Virgen (La Morena) is the sociocultural representation of the saving face of God being oriented toward them in an intervening way to preserve their communal identity during the daily unfolding of history. Latinx Marian devotions reflects and represent the idea of the community’s communal identity survival as a function of salvation (Diaz, 2009:101). Within popular Latinx Catholicism any of the devotions that are Marian in nature in which Latinx in the United States engage, promotes a strong mindfulness that the saving desire of God includes community/communal survival along with all that that encompasses, especially where their exist a need for a transformation of circumstances of racial, social, cultural, economic, political and gender oppression (Diaz, 2009:102).
Encountering Nuestra Señora de la Caridad (Our Lady of Charity) or Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe (Our Lady of “Guadalupe”) for example, offers Cuban Americans and Mexican Americans respectively an appreciation for how the salvific or redeeming history of God is at work within their history. To behold Nuestra Señora de la Caridad or Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe is to encounter culturally the redeeming hand of God reaching out as it were to the Juan Morenas and Juan Diegos of this world. An encounter with the redeeming power of God is lifegiving. The mystery of God becomes more visible through these “Marian” devotions as devotees honor La Virgen Maria (La Morena), the one like us who was chosen by God to have her life grafted and interwind with the divine life in her role as Mother of the Christ Child and thus also Mother of God. La Vigen Maria (La Morena) represents the sociocultural expression of God’s commitment to reside in and preside over our human history. La Virgen Maria (La Morena) shares an identity that is communal within the suffering, and oppression, of marginalized communities, where daily struggles equal survival (Diaz, 2009:102).
Image of Our Lady of Guadalupe as it appears in her Basilica in Mexico City – creatively overlaid with a quote on kinship
However, with regards to the challenges of everyday life, we are encouraged to view survival as more than simply “getting by” or just making ends meet. Suggesting not just the struggle of humans to withstand and or survive amid situations of hardship and difficulty, the Spanish word sobrevivir suggest also an abundant life of plentitude be it in this life and/or the next (i.e. eschatologically speaking). In Celia Cruz’s performance of Dino Fekaris’ and Frederick Perren’s song “I Will Survive” the listener is encouraged to see survival in light of the meaning of the Spanish word sobrevivir. The word sobrevivir used in Cruz’s performance references not only the ordinary struggles of life that she must overcome (Diaz, 2009:105), but also points to the abundant life that is to be hers eschatologically. She sings in this temporal life, “I am surviving so that my people can hear me…. Breaking out of chains, I go on surviving. Crossing borders, I go on surviving.” An emphatic declaration brings the song to a close with Cruz’s announcement that she will do more than just survive (“Yo viviré”), instead proclaiming a life of abundance for herself (Yo sobreviré)! (Diaz, 2009:106).
https://youtu.be/HFh1UW11bak
The Feast of Our Lady of Guadalupe is an important St. Ignatius School tradition. Each year, the Hunts Point community is invited to celebrate this joyful, cultural Mass with us. We're also blessed to have Victor Yanez, SJ, a Jesuit Scholastic from Fordham University, working with our students.
The Feast of Our Lady of Guadalupe is an important St. Ignatius School tradition. Each year, the Hunts Point community is invited to celebrate this joyful, cultural Mass with us. We're also blessed to have Victor Yanez, SJ, a Jesuit Scholastic from Fordham University, working with our students.
Religiosity of Protestantism/Pentecostalism
https://youtu.be/ZWXS43KW4LE
Samuel Cruz, Assistant Professor of Church and Society Union Theological Seminary New York City
Samuel Cruz, Assistant Professor of Church and Society Union Theological Seminary New York City
The Protestant Spanish [Latinx] Community’s history may be understood as having three definite phases namely: 1) The Pre-World War II phase – The Mission Society of New York City dominance characterized this phase, with the institution of denominational language churches in 1912 as part of its so-called Spanish work [mission/ministry] initiative. The idea for the creation of Spanish speaking denominational churches initiated around this time period basically came at the prompting of the community of the community of Spanish - Language speakers themselves, instead of from the English-speaking leadership of the denominational church structure. 2) The 1940 and beginning of the 1950s phase – Puerto Ricans migration on a large scale gave rise to a new effort by denominations to create Spanish language churches as part of their Spanish work [mission/ministry] initiative. The Mission Society of New York City focused on building up their Spanish [mission/ministry] outreach with the aim of impacting growth among Pentecostal groups. 3) From the beginning of the 1950s and beyond – The continuation and strengthening of [Spanish speaking] language churches within denominations characterized this phase, focusing on the mission society of New York City’s affiliated denominational churches. The Pentecostal groups continued growth along with putting in place a framework of highly structured organizational norms/policies by the Pentecostal groups as well as the building of a closer working relationship among Spanish [language] denominational churches and Spanish [language] Pentecostal churches, denominations working to achieve their intended goal of incorporating Spanish [language] speaking individuals into churches that were English [language] churches. This was a clear attempt at creating inclusive parishes along with the development of a framework of policies that would be necessary to guide and govern such an endeavor/initiative (Cortés, 1980:18).
Some of the denominations that established Spanish [-language] work [mission/ministry] were: American Baptist in 1921 with the founding of First Spanish Baptist Church in East Harlem. Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) La Hermosa Church started in the 1930s by the Puerto Rican diaspora, independent of the English -speaking leadership of the Church (Cortés, 1980:20). Congregational Christian Church, in 1959, Riverside Church initiated its outreach to Spanish-[language] speakers (Cortés, 1980:21). Evangelical, United Brethren and United Evangelical Church of Puerto Rico, no engagement details given (Cortés, 1980:22). Lutheran..Augustana and Evangelical Synods, no engagement details given (Cortés, 1980:23). Lutheran.. Missouri Synod, no engagement details given. Lutheran.. United Lutheran Church in America, no engagement date given (Cortés, 1980:24). Methodist Church, no engagement details given (Cortés, 1980:25). The Spanish-speaking work of the New York City Mission Society, started in 1912, with the First Spanish Evangelical Church (later known as Church of the Good Neighbor (Cortés, 1980:26). Presbyterian, Presbytery of Brooklyn- Nassau, started in 1931, with the founding of their First Spanish American Church (Cortés, 1980:28). Presbyterian, New York Presbytery, started in 1946, its first Spanish language church (Cortés, 1980:29). Protestant Episcopal Diocese of Long Island, no engagement details given. Protestant Episcopal Diocese of New York, started in 1929 (Cortés, 1980:31). Reformed Church in America, no engagement details given (Cortés, 1980:32). Salvation Army, no engagement details given (Cortés, 1980:33). Seventh Day Adventist, started in 1929 (Cortés, 1980:34).
Some of the denominations that established Spanish [-language] work [mission/ministry] were: American Baptist in 1921 with the founding of First Spanish Baptist Church in East Harlem. Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) La Hermosa Church started in the 1930s by the Puerto Rican diaspora, independent of the English -speaking leadership of the Church (Cortés, 1980:20). Congregational Christian Church, in 1959, Riverside Church initiated its outreach to Spanish-[language] speakers (Cortés, 1980:21). Evangelical, United Brethren and United Evangelical Church of Puerto Rico, no engagement details given (Cortés, 1980:22). Lutheran..Augustana and Evangelical Synods, no engagement details given (Cortés, 1980:23). Lutheran.. Missouri Synod, no engagement details given. Lutheran.. United Lutheran Church in America, no engagement date given (Cortés, 1980:24). Methodist Church, no engagement details given (Cortés, 1980:25). The Spanish-speaking work of the New York City Mission Society, started in 1912, with the First Spanish Evangelical Church (later known as Church of the Good Neighbor (Cortés, 1980:26). Presbyterian, Presbytery of Brooklyn- Nassau, started in 1931, with the founding of their First Spanish American Church (Cortés, 1980:28). Presbyterian, New York Presbytery, started in 1946, its first Spanish language church (Cortés, 1980:29). Protestant Episcopal Diocese of Long Island, no engagement details given. Protestant Episcopal Diocese of New York, started in 1929 (Cortés, 1980:31). Reformed Church in America, no engagement details given (Cortés, 1980:32). Salvation Army, no engagement details given (Cortés, 1980:33). Seventh Day Adventist, started in 1929 (Cortés, 1980:34).
A development that has been significant within the evangelical religion in the City of New York was the Spanish Pentecostal group’s rapid growth. The Federation of Churches of Greater New York study in 1937 indicated that 55 Protestant Churches had ministry/outreach to Puerto Ricans. Fourteen of these churches identified as Pentecostal, four as church of God affiliated, while identified as miscellaneous was another fourteen churches. Of the churches identified as miscellaneous it is believed that about seven were Pentecostal churches, in light of the fact that churches under the Pentecostal movement in the city was about Twenty-Five in number in 1937. The Spanish Pentecostal churches increased to some 240 churches eventually. Some of the affiliation that these 240 churches had were with:
- The Spanish Eastern District of Assemblies of God
- The Latin American Council of the Pentecostal Church of God
- Assemblies of Christian Churches
- Church of God, Spanish District Council for the East
- Damascus Christian Churches
- Defenders of the Faith (Cortés, 1980:35-40).
Religiosity of Borderland Solidarity
[La Posada sin Fronteras]
Image of the soon to be immigrant Family: Mary, Joseph and Jesus. Mary and Joseph fled into Egypt becoming immigrants to save the life of their child Jesus, whose life was threatened by King Herod - Photographed at St. Patrick’s Cathedral, NYC
La Posada sin Fronteras is an expression of religiosity, pilgrimage, solidarity, and social justice advocacy according to adherents and partakers. Its motivated directly by their devotion to learning what being Christian means – their personal and collective dedication to discovering what being Christian means in the face of obvious inequalities in earnings, in an environment of bigotry and xenophobia (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2008:158). Traditionally La Posada for Mexicans/Latinx is both an act of cultural expression as well as religiosity. It has the ability to cause us to reflect on our sense of justice and compassion. Do we view individuals who are not like us differently? Are we part of the marginalizing forces discriminating against the “others,” or are we the ones advocating for and standing in solidarity with the marginalized “other(s).” Lodging, acceptance, and love was denied the pregnant immigrant soon to be mother Mary and her husband Joseph, as they fled their homeland to save their unborn child whose life was threatened by King Herod. Could the couple’s experience of denial as immigrants occurred because they were poor foreigners, seen as “others” from another country or territory. “…I bring my children [to participate] because I want to teach them as well.” The children’s participation informs their understanding of the reality that the U.S. closes its doors to “others” based on their citizenship, class, and race. The border patrolmen, the physical fence at the border where La Posada sin Fronteras takes place, and the people on the other side serve as a valuable teaching aid and a tangible reminder of this reality. In these teachable moments for the children at the border (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2008:160). “…All of us Mexicans, Latinx carry the case of las posadas of Jose and Maria! It’s a tradition that we have, and we do it every year, and it’s very important to all of us” (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2008:161).
Religiosity of islam
To be able to appreciate the current state of the North American community of Latina/o Muslims and their increasing numbers within the last fifteen or so years, it is important to look beyond a single contributor considering instead multiple influences and circumstances that has led to the community’s growing numbers over time. Centered on the New York Puerto Rican community the article, “Latino Conversion to Islam: From African-American/Latino Neighbors to Muslim/Latino Global Neighbors.” The article written by Khalil Al-Puerto Rikani established that the trend of Latina/os within the United States converting to Islam is linked primarily to five different encounters in addition to their personal spiritual longings. These five primary encounters are: marriage to a Muslim, encountering Muslims in the prison system, encountering immigrant neighbors who are Muslims, the Internet, as well as through Puerto Ricans interactions with African Americans. These five different categories of encounters serve as the main reasons driving the trend of Latinx converting to Islam (Logrõno Narbona et al., 2015:257).
https://youtu.be/hQ1keiDvoeY
It’s true, many Latinos are devout Catholics. In this episode Kat Lazo tackles the history of how Latinos came to be Catholics, Muslim and Jewish. Is being Latino synonymous with being Catholic? Let us know your thoughts in the comments below 👇🏽👇🏽👇🏽 #thekatcall
It’s true, many Latinos are devout Catholics. In this episode Kat Lazo tackles the history of how Latinos came to be Catholics, Muslim and Jewish. Is being Latino synonymous with being Catholic? Let us know your thoughts in the comments below 👇🏽👇🏽👇🏽 #thekatcall
Conversion to Islam is unlike other conversions, according to a convert who takes us into their personal reflection saying, I recalled speaking of conversion to (Christianity) when I was growing up, as an event occasioned by a particularly personal decision made by an individual. The case, however, has been made that “conversion takes place in several stages and is usually experienced as a substantial transformation of religious, social, and cultural aspects of daily life,” as stated by van Nieuwkerk. In light of this thinking, conversion to Islam is not to be viewed as a singular event, though it is important to recognize the particular moment in time when initiation into membership of the religion for the convert actually take place (i.e. shahada). “Conversion to Islam is embodied through taking up new bodily practices pertaining to praying, fasting, and food. In addition, important markers of identity are often changed, such as the name and appearance, including hijab [i.e. headscarf usually covering head and neck] or occasionally niqab [i.e. yashmak/veil covering face].” Converts to Islam from within the Latinx community here in the United States must go through an evolutionary process which most definitely not simply a religion change (Logrõno Narbona et al., 2015:258).
https://binged.it/2vjkMkc [Why Latina/os Are Converting to Islam]
Religiosity’s current trends and associated societal trends
Source: Pew Research Center, May 7, 2014, “The shifting religious identity of Latinos in the United States”
Source: Pew Research Center, May 7, 2014, “The shifting religious identity of Latinos in the United States”
In the U.S. most Hispanic continue to be adherents of Roman Catholicism. The number of Hispanics that are adherents of Roman Catholicism however, is on the decline, as the catholic church see a decline in its Hispanic population there are significant and growing number of Hispanics declaring themselves as unaffiliated as far as religion is concerned, while at the same time a significant and growing number of Hispanics are adherents of Protestantism. Among Hispanic adults almost one -in-four, used to be catholic, based on a Pew Research Survey carried out nationwide with a sample size of 5,000 respondents (Pew Research Center, May 7, 2014:5).
The 2013 Pew Research Center Latinos and Religion, national survey finds that of the 35.4 million adult Latinos estimated to be in the U.S., a majority numbering about 19.6 million or about 55% of Latinos, today identify as catholic. The religiously unaffiliated are about 18%, Protestants 22%, within the Protestants share of the population 16% are self-described Evangelicals or Born-again Christians (Pew Research Center, May 7, 2014:5)
The decline of the catholic share of the Hispanic population has been unfolding over the last couple of decades. A full 67% or two-third of Hispanics as recent as 2010, according to polling by Pew Research were Catholic. This points to the reality that in just four years since the last survey and this current survey results the number of Hispanic Catholics fell from 67% to 55%, a twelve percentage points drop (Pew Research Center, May 7, 2014:5)
The 2013 Pew Research Center Latinos and Religion, national survey finds that of the 35.4 million adult Latinos estimated to be in the U.S., a majority numbering about 19.6 million or about 55% of Latinos, today identify as catholic. The religiously unaffiliated are about 18%, Protestants 22%, within the Protestants share of the population 16% are self-described Evangelicals or Born-again Christians (Pew Research Center, May 7, 2014:5)
The decline of the catholic share of the Hispanic population has been unfolding over the last couple of decades. A full 67% or two-third of Hispanics as recent as 2010, according to polling by Pew Research were Catholic. This points to the reality that in just four years since the last survey and this current survey results the number of Hispanic Catholics fell from 67% to 55%, a twelve percentage points drop (Pew Research Center, May 7, 2014:5)
Source: Pew Research Center, May 7, 2014, “The shifting religious identity of Latinos in the United States”
Hispanics still have a strong affinity toward Pentecostalism. It has been shown in surveys that 28% of former catholic upon leaving the catholic church align themselves with the Pentecostal church. An overall two-thirds of Hispanic Protestants are either affiliated with a Pentecostal denomination that is considered traditional (29%) or self-describe as Pentecostal or Charismatic Christians (38%). 52% of Hispanic Catholics declare themselves to be charismatic Christians (Pew Research Center, May 7, 2014:18).
Hispanics who practice Pentecostalism are found to be more likely to report experiencing a divine healing (64%), or experience a revelation directly from God (64%) or have witness the driving out of evil spirits or the devil, out of an individual (59%), and to declare having the gift of tongues and have spoken in tongues (49%). These are all manifestations that are more than likely found to be experienced and or reported by charismatics and those Christians who do not consider themselves as renewalist Christians (Pew Research Center, May 7, 2014:18).
Hispanics who practice Pentecostalism are found to be more likely to report experiencing a divine healing (64%), or experience a revelation directly from God (64%) or have witness the driving out of evil spirits or the devil, out of an individual (59%), and to declare having the gift of tongues and have spoken in tongues (49%). These are all manifestations that are more than likely found to be experienced and or reported by charismatics and those Christians who do not consider themselves as renewalist Christians (Pew Research Center, May 7, 2014:18).
Source: Pew Research Center, May 7, 2014, “The shifting religious identity of Latinos in the United States”
Source: Pew Research Center, May 7, 2014, “The shifting religious identity of Latinos in the United States”
Recommended Reading
Cortés, Carlos E., eds. Protestantism and Latinos in the United States. New York: Arno
Press, 1980. 1-138
Diaz-Stevens, Ana Maria. Oxcart Catholicism on Fifth Avenue: The Impact of the Puerto
Rican Migration upon the Archdiocese of New York. Notre Dame, Indiana:
University of Notre Dame Press, 1993.
Espín, Orlando O, ed. Building bridges, doing justice: constructing a Latino/a
ecumenical theology. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 2009. 91-111
Gálvez, Alyshia. Guadalupe in New York: Devotion and the struggle for Citizenship
Rights among Mexican Immigrants. New York: New York University Press, 2010.
Hondagneu-Sotelo, Pierrette. God’s heart has no borders: how religious activists are
working for immigrant rights. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of
California Press, 2008.
Kanellos, Nicolás, Claudio Esteva-Fabregat, and Félix Padilla, eds. Handbook of Hispanic
Cultures in the United States: Sociology. Houston, Texas: Arte Publico Press, 1993.
Logrõno Narbona, Maria del Mar, Paulo G. Pinto, and John Tofik Karam, eds.
Crescent over another horizon: Islam in Latin America, the Caribbean, and Latino
USA. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press, 2015. 255 – 275
https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/lehman-ebooks/detail.action?docID=3443793.
Pew Research Center, May 7, 2014. “The shifting Religious Identity of Latinos in the
United States” https://www.pewresearch.org
Stevens-Arroyo, Anthony M., and Andres I. Pérez y Mena, eds. Enigmatic Powers:
Syncretism with African and Indigenous Peoples’ Religions Among Latinos.
New York, NY.: Bildner Center for Western Hemisphere Studies, 1995. 81-98